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That is why we act so superficially and irresponsibly in the moment we live in, unaware that we act in the historical time in which the processes that began centuries before us are coming to an end, and new ones begin which will not last less. As a man in his mature age who can see his defects and virtues and confront the failures of his life, unfulfilled dreams and ambitions, disappointments in himself and others, in the same way the nation in the moment of crucial decisions faces itself, its failures and disappointments, hopes and fears. A man faces himself driven by the necessity to reassess himself, whereas the nation does that only when those who lead it force it to introspect and see itself not as it would like to be and where it would like to be, but as it is really and where it is really. Those who dare to request the nation to face itself have a bad and quick end, but those things that they already initiated cannot be stopped or slowed down. The fatal attraction of self-recognizing, no matter how painful it is, irresistibly attracts the face towards the mirror, ones the mirror is discovered. As our sincere and remorseful facing ourselves overcomes the things we would like to admit, in the same way the nation facing itself with the moment of truth opens up the questions which were not asked before, but spontaneously appeared.  

“Kosovo” Reality. The idea of delineation with the Albanians and stopping the creation of “Greater Albania” have raised the question about our ability to survive and to admit that states, as undivided communities of nations after bloody and repeated ethnic and religious wars, are not possible, if they consist of war enemies, as well as the question whether we finally have the courage to initiate solving of the Serbian national issue. 
What is Kosovo and Metohija in the reality? An Autonomous Province within Serbia, an independent state, a territory under the UN administration according to the Resolution 1244? Probably none of and partly each of these. More than everything, Kosovo and Metohija is a soil where the strength but also the weakness of the Western countries were demonstrated, the countries capable of pushing Serbia out of Kosovo and Metohija, but also incapable of establishing a durable and sustainable state despite the engaged military power, spent billions and political authority. The failure of “Kosovo” is a failure of NATO, EU, US, all the great sponsors of “Kosovo” independency. With delineation the great powers admit that they did not succeed and that the time has come for new policies and new divisions of the country and influences. Our ability to see that, to be the first to offer solution and position, to share the same thinking of the great powers and at the same time not to trench ourselves as Mišić in Kosovo, where the last resistance worth of poems and remembrance and not worth of victory is given, but to repeat Mišić’s assault to the Kajmakčalan mountain, where we did not liberate Serbia, but we began liberating it, is a proof of historical maturity which is not newly discovered, but has not been seen for a long time. 

Vučić’s Role. The attempt to remove forever Serbia from Kosovo and Metohija with NATO aggression, but also to stop the process of solving the Serbian national issue in the whole, proved to be a failure exactly in Kosovo and Metohija. There is no durable and sustainable solution in the Balkans without Serbia and Serbs. It was possible to neglect and ignore Serbia and Serbs only when Serbia was governed by those who accepted, sometimes with servility, sometimes by ignoring problems that Serbia did not participate in the times it was living in without clear interests and ways for their realization. Vučić’s merit is that he, above all expectations, has managed to win for Serbia and the Serbs the right to have interests for which to fight and that he himself has become a leader which with full authority speaks in the name of all Serbs no matter whether they live in Serbia or elsewhere, realizing the interests of all Serbs, and not only those of Serbia and its elite. That is why he has dared to initiate the topic from which we all have run for decades. I do not know whether Vučić will survive the leader’s role, but I know that he will be remembered as somebody who dared to request from Serbs to be worthy of themselves and their value and to begin to fight in the times they are living in, and not to speak about the ancient defeats and hope for successes they will not have to fight for in their generation, but they will leave the battle to those who will come. That is why I am for delineation. 

Foundation of Albanian State. As the relation towards Serbia is always a part of bigger geopolitical directions and decisions, in the same way the relation towards “Kosovo”, as well as towards Albania and the Albanians, is always relation towards Serbia and the Serbs. Albania was created in order to prevent Serbia from getting to the sea and “Kosovo” was created so that Serbia would be strategically besieged and unable to decide about itself and that its strengthening would be stopped and disenabled in advance. The Serbs and the Albanians live in different times, but in the same territories. Since they did not finish the creation of their nation in the 19th and 20th century, the Albanians just now have the cult of the nation and the feeling that they do not have a country, but they are also aware that they have to sacrifice everything in order to have a country, like in the nineties, when, ordered by the political leadership of the Albanian parties, they left schools, health system, public jobs of the Republic of Serbia, leaving their people in poverty, diseases and tragically poor education, which are the consequences that can be seen in Kosovo and Metohija even today. 
Albania was founded in May 1913 with signing of the Treaty of London by six great powers, as a result of the Italians and Austro-Hungarians insisting that Serbia did not come to the sea. The Albanians got their country by force, as a task and consequence of the Balkans war led by others, proclaiming it in 1912 when they saw that the Serbs were arriving and that the Turks would not come back. They did not win a country as a result of the national struggle for liberation from the Turkish slavery or from developed bourgeoisie which was requesting its own economic space. The Albanians did not consider their lives in the Ottoman Empire as slavery and they raised revolts rarely and without the idea of national liberation, but more as a consequence of the struggle between the tribes and local begs than from the desire to come out of the sultan’s shadow. The Albanian demands towards the Ottoman Empire had never gone beyond the requests for the autonomy within the country of the Ottomans. Due to their stubborn staying in the dying Ottoman Empire during the First Balkans War and persisting hate towards the Serbs, the Albanians imposed themselves in the eyes of the great powers as a factor able to make the advancing of Serbia towards the south difficult, but unable to stop it. That happened in 1690, 1804, 1876, 1878, 1912, 1913, 1915, 1918, 1921, 1941, 1946, 1981, 1991, 1998, 1999, 2004, 2008, and that is the case even in 2018. 

Serbian Cosmopolitism. The Serbs as a nation that finished the process of the national creation at the same time as most of the Europeans cherish a centuries old awareness of the existence of the state of the Serbs in its various forms. A cult of a state and nation the Serbs do not take as determining, since they perceive the existence of a state and nation as unquestionable, unchangeable and self-evident truth for which they gave enough sacrifice and for which they do not have to or should give the sacrifice again. Individuality of the Serbs and acceptance of Cosmopolitan values of the 21st century are one of the reasons for a drastic difference in terms of birth rates between the Serbs and the Albanians. As is the case everywhere in the world the nations that develop in an economic and civilizational sense have decreasing birth rates while the ones that fall behind in these categories in the times in which they live have the birth rates of the past centuries and times. In the time of Karadjordje’s first insurgents the Serbs gave birth to more children than the Turks who ruled Serbia and who sent their children to be educated in Istanbul. 

The Serbs are a nation that accepts religious and national diversity not only in large towns where the national differences almost do not feel in modern times but also in rural areas where the religious and national differences are essential and determining. Mass settlement of the Serbs in Vojvodina did not, after the World War I, World War II or even after the exodus and expulsion of the Serbs from Croatia in the action “Oluja”, produce violence or ethnic cleansing. The percentage ratio of the population changed but not because of the Hungarians or Croats’ departure but because of the Serbs’ arrival. Ethnical mixture where the Serbs were the majority is not questioned even in Kosovo and Metohija. In the northern part of Kosovo and Metohija, in the municipalities of Leposavić and Zubin Potok and in North Mitrovica live the Albanians that were not attacked or expelled even during the 2004 exodus. 
Ethnic purity. The Albanians simply do not have the experience or the habit of living in ethnically mixed environment. If they compose the majority they tend to work on assimilation or forceful expulsion of the others and if they are the minority, which could hardly become the majority, they leave. The Albanians are the allies only to the states and nations that they do not live with – the Croats, Italians, Germans, Austrians but not to the Macedonians, Montenegrins, especially not to the Serbs. There is no nation the Albanians have lived with and not have come to the confrontation with and there is no nation that was in conflict with the Serbs that was not supported by the cannon fodder of the Kosovo Albanian youngsters or the Albanian narco mafia money. 
Religious affiliation or diversity is not of primary importance. The number of the Gorani, Slaves of Muslim religion decreased from pre-war 30,000 to the current 9,000. The newly settled Albanians in Gora establish the municipality of Dragaš and create the Albanians of the Gorani children through the education. Even the Bosniak communities have not managed to preserve the position of the majority in Kosovo and Metohija. The Roma were driven away or became the Albanians. This is not specific only for Kosovo and Metohija which illustrates the example of Albania where the minority almost does not exist. 
After the armed conflict in Macedonia, the Albanians in a way created their own state separating the western part of the country from the central authorities and creating ethnically cleansed area. In Skoplje the Albanians have their own parts of the town in which the Macedonian language is rarely heard and even then at a great risk. There are frequent attacks of the armed Albanian terrorists, whereas there are almost no members of the Macedonian Armed Forces in the Albanian villages in the vicinity of the border with Serbia leaning on Preševo. This enables the migrants‘ smuggling and drugs trafficking. Due to their number, Ohrid Accords and the Western great powers’ support, the Albanians determine the fate of Macedonia where the majority Slavic nation is divided to such an extent that they cannot make any decision crucial for determining their own future against the will of the Albanians. 

As for Montenegro, the ban of Orthodox service in Ulcinj, building the monument to Skender-Beg, conditioning of the support to the ruling majority by establishment of a new municipality with the Albanian majority indicate the growing influence of the Albanians on the Montenegro authorities and crucial impact on the political decisions related to the Serbs and Serbia.   

Bujanovac, in particular Preševo, change their national composition in a short period of time; therefore the Serbs withdraw to Vranje, while the Albanians occupy parts of the municipalities where they have not until then been the majority. 
In Kosovo and Metohija, despite great efforts of the International Community no successful political party that gather the Albanians and the Serbs or the Albanians or any other nation have been established. A key differentiation of the political actors among the Albanians is not of an ideological provenance but due to affiliation to clans and a level of extremism when it comes to the relation to the Serbs or the speed and ways for formal creation of “Greater Albania”. As in the time of Enver HOXHA when they sent the Marxist-Lenin cells to Kosovo and Metohija with the aim to provoke the revolt against Yugoslav authorities they were as well in the 90s loyal followers of the Western democracy and nowadays the most numerous warriors of DAESH. Compared to the number of the population, there are more Kosovo Albanians in DAESH than the Iranians or Syrians. The fact that there is misery, the highest unemployment rate in Europe, the budget predominantly made of donations and taxes is not a sufficient reason for creation of the party that gather various nations of like-minded ideology. 

Orthodox or Catholic Albanians have no different stance from their Islamic countrymen to the Orthodox Serbs. The return of the Serbs is not enabled even in large towns in Kosovo and Metohija. Inter-religious marriage between a Serbian man and an Albanian woman would be a true sensation which would be discussed or written about for a long period of time and if the couple would live by non-Albanian rules in the majority Albanian environment it could not be claimed with certainty that they would live long enough to see the grandchildren. Such examples are not isolated among the Serbs so the marriage with Christian Albanian women from Albania are frequent, in particular in rural areas while the inter-religious and inter-national marriages in central Serbia are nothing new. From the famous people in the Serbian public life to common people it is simply not the topic. It is hard to imagine that a famous Albanian female singer or actress in Priština would choose a Serbian man for a husband. If it would not be impossible, I believe that in the past 20 years it would have happened at least once and the fact that it has not says enough. 

Such different nations as the Serbs and the Albanians cannot live successfully with one another, especially if they have failed from the very beginning to find a common interest in a short period of peace and they have always and consistently been on different sides in every war. The Serbs perceived the Albanian leaders in Kosovo and Metohija even during the ideology of brotherhood and unity as imposed and foreign, while the Albanian Communists saw their positions as a possibility for creation of the state one day in Kosovo and Metohija and unification with Albania. That is the reason why the ethnic cleansing of the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija was continuous and planned. In post-war Yugoslavia one of the new authorities’ first decisions was, never explained, a measure for the Serbs expelled from Kosovo and Metohija never to return to their estates, whereas true and false refugees from Enver HOXHA’s Albania were received and given the land and job. The case of MARTINOVIC or planned raping of the Serbian girls are just an example of intimidation and forceful displacement of the Serbs. 
New Reality. The sooner the Serbs and the Albanians delineate and the firm borders are created between them the faster would the process of expansion of “Greater Albania” be slowed down and by strengthening of Serbia stopped. 
We must be aware of the new reality which is that by Macedonian joining the NATO all the Albanians would with the exception of two municipalities in central Serbia start living in a unified political and security area in which they would have predominant and unhidden influence. “Greater Albania” would be in that way created with the aim to publish in the shortest period of time to the world their formal existence. Should we wait for that to happen or act instead? 

Essentially, we talk and confront with Tirana not with Pristina. The Western great powers did not breach the international law and risked permanent political instability of the entire region for a smaller part of the Albanian nation. They did it for the idea of creation of “Greater Albania”, the same one that was briefly established in the World War II by fascist Italy. A war with the Albanians, not only Kosovo Albanians but with all Albanians and their allies, is inevitable if we would not clearly know what belongs to who and if we would not decrease the possibility for different interpretations of the same agreements and territories and if we would not decrease the possibility of the mutual contact that could lead to a conflict. 
If we look at one another across the border lines and border forces’ rifle sights it would be harder for us to confront than if we would keep on expecting the beginning of the attack in the northern part of Kosovo and Metohija while the Serbs in the southern part would be the hostages and the means of blackmail. A frozen conflict is in the Albanian interest since the Albanians would keep the tactical advantage to determine when the inevitable clash starts in accordance with the interests and capabilities of their allies. 

The armed attack on the north of Kosovo and Metohija or the attack on the southern enclaves that are not protected now by anyone, just as they were not protected in 2004, would provoke the armed response by the Serbian state and military and then the confrontation with “Kosovo” allies. 
Serbian Cultural Heritage. The Albanians in the southern part of Serbia will serve as a continuous and welcome opportunity to a foreign factor to make the position of Serbia more difficult and its everyday existence. With the clear borders and internationally guaranteed position of the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija as well as our cultural and religious heritage we would be more certain that the reasons for war have decreased. 
The Albanians do not have cultural monuments under UNESCO protection and that is why they so eagerly want to become a member of the world’s cultural organization because in that way they could assimilate Serbian culture and history that they painfully miss as they did with the nation.   

Tekst/ Foto: Pečat, prevod na engleski, PS